Child abuse is a socially defined construct. This means that the meanings ascribed to the term are a product of a specific culture, context and historical location. The existence of child maltreatment throughout history (infanticide, abandonment, severe physical punishment, prostitution, incest, harsh labour) is indisputable, however, the extent and interpretation of abuse, i.e. what is considered to be abusive in a particular society alters over time and definitions are therefore not fixed but are adapted to circumstances and context.

For example, the growth of Internet pornography, child prostitution and the trafficking of children have resulted in wider, more inclusive and universally applicable definitions than existed 20 years ago. Defining child sexual abuse is both complex and problematic, however, all definitions are based on the acknowledgement that sexual activity with a child who is below the age of consent involves a violation of the rights and personhood of the child often with severe and long-lasting psychosocial consequences. Added to that, the coercion and betrayal of trust that is implicated in most acts of child sexual abuse is deeply destructive to both child and family.

Researchers have studied specific forms of abuse (physical abuse, willful neglect, exploitation or emotional abuse) separately and separate definitions exist for each of these phenomena. A child may be subject to physical abuse, sexual abuse, neglect or exploitation, or to several forms of abuse simultaneously (studies of families of organized abuse in which several members are involved) point to multiple types of abuse over two or more generations. All forms of abuse involve emotional abuse (Corby 2000).

The World Health Organisation defines child abuse as:
Child abuse or maltreatment constitutes all forms of physical and/or emotional ill treatment, sexual abuse, neglect, or negligent treatment or commercial or other exploitation, resulting in actual or potential harm to the child’s health, survival development or dignity in the context of a relationship of responsibility trust or power (WHO 1999).

Within Trinidad and Tobago child sexual abuse is currently addressed under the broad heading of ‘domestic violence’. This is defined as:
‘... physical, sexual, emotional or psychological or financial abuse against a spouse, child or any other person who is a member of the household or dependent’ (The Domestic Violence Act, No.27 1999).

Sexual abuse in this definition includes ‘sexual contact of any kind that is coerced by force or threat of force and the commission of or attempt to commit any of the offences listed under the Sexual Offences Act in the First Schedule’.

The Domestic Violence Act was amended in 1999 to provide better protection to children and together with the provisions of other legislation yet to be implemented (namely, The Children’s Authority Act, No.64 of 2000, The Children’s Community Residences, Foster Homes and Nurseries Act No.65 of 2000 and The Sexual Offences (Amendment) Act, No.31 of 2000) seeks to provide the legislative framework for the protection of children from abuse.

Child sexual abuse may or may not involve actual physical contact and includes penetrative acts (e.g. rape or buggery) and also, non-penetrative and non-contact activities such as involving children in watching sexual activities, encouraging children to behave in sexually explicit ways and exposing them to inappropriate sexual material. Child sexual abuse also includes the involvement of children in prostitution and pornography.

Child sexual abuse occurs in all countries, across all racial, ethnic, religious and socioeconomic groups, is far more common than previously thought and affects children of all ages, including infants. Both boys and girls are sexually abused although in all reported studies girls outnumber boys.

Although there is extensive international research on the problem, few empirical studies of child sexual abuse have been carried out in the Caribbean. A study in Trinidad and Tobago (Allen, MacLatchie, De Gazon-Washington and Chapman-Smith, 2000) examined the links between sexual abuse and HIV/AIDS and a study of Latin America and the Caribbean, explored the experiences of adult survivors (PAHO).

In this study the following findings were reported: in Barbados 30% of female participants reported being sexually abused as children (there are no figures for men), in Costa Rica the figure was 32% of women and 13% of men and in Nicaragua 26% of female and 20% of male respondents reported sexual abuse (PAHO).

Although evidence from developing countries is limited, research on adult female survivors in Africa, Asia and Latin America and the Caribbean reveal that forced sexual initiation and early childhood abuse are not uncommon in all of these settings (World Population Council, WHO, 2003). Although sexual abuse can occur as a single phenomenon, the presence and interplay of other social factors may indicate increased risk. These factors include: family history of sexual abuse, substance abuse, witnessing abuse, education level, low socio-economic level, lack of social support (Corby 2000).

There are no reliable data on the extent of child sexual abuse in Trinidad and Tobago. Statistics are collected on convictions for sexual offences involving children, however these figures do not include the numbers of reported cases and neither do they address the problem of under-reporting.

A survey in 1995 into the nature and extent of child prostitution, child pornography and the trafficking of children in Trinidad and Tobago did not lead to any definitive findings on the extent of child prostitution, however it showed that:

• Children and adolescents are involved in prostitution and pornography;
• Prostitution was more prevalent among females than males;
• There is a market of business and tourist visitors for teenage prostitution;
• The commercial sexual exploitation of children and adolescents in Tobago appeared to be mainly associated with the tourist industry;
• While there was no evidence of a connection to the drug trade, drug use was one of the factors involved in child prostitution;
• Economic hardship and adverse social and domestic conditions were the main reasons children became involved in prostitution.

Like other forms of domestic violence, sexual offences against children are under-reported. Children do not disclose sexual abuse for a number of reasons: the powerlessness and low status of children within families and society generally, fear that they will not be believed, concern that they will be blamed, shame, uncertainty and anxiety about the consequences of disclosure, threat of violence or concern about the effects on the wider family.

While the experience of sexual abuse is a devastating one for all children, a badly handled-disclosure or the disbelief of the non-abusing parent greatly compounds the psychological trauma a child faces. Children disclose because they cannot live with the abuse any longer, however disclosure may not result in bringing the abuse to an end and depending upon the response of the adults who deal with the matter and the support services available may lead to other forms of abuse such as victimization and isolation.

Stranger-abuse and organized networks of pedophiles present some risks to children (especially girls), even in Trinidad. A common misconception is that pedophiles who abuse boys are homosexual. This is incorrect; pedophilia is distinguished by the fact that a person is attracted to a child as an object of sexual desire. It is the age of the child, not the child’s gender that specifies the disorder.

Often pedophiles will abuse children of both genders. Thus, sexual orientation is secondary to the dominance of a sexual perversion which results in the abuse of children. Child sexual abuse is committed by men, women, and older children.

Studies indicate that most sexual abuse is committed by heterosexual men (Kendal-Tackett, Williams and Finkelhor, 1993). The most common profile of a child sexual abuser is of someone who is known, trusted and a familiar figure in the lives of the children they abuse. The effects of abuse are the more serious because of the breach of trust involved and the extent of psychological entrapment - this reinforces children’s powerlessness.

Child abusers may use force, coercion, threats, bribes, or even blackmail in order to maintain the silence of their victim. While some sexual abuse is opportunistic, other cases suggest a sophisticated level of predatory behaviour with children being ‘selected’ and ‘groomed’ with what may seem harmless advances at the initial stage being followed by more serious acts.

Abusers come from all sections of society – he or she may be a parent, teacher, family friend, relative, priest, policeman, child care worker, sibling or babysitter and while there are both male and female perpetrators, children are most likely to be sexually abused by an adult or adolescent male relative. A number of studies have indicated that children are more at risk from non-natal parents and that where step-parents abuse children they are more likely to commit seriously abusive acts. It should be noted however that the majority of parents (including step-parents) do not abuse their children.

Several international studies indicate that children in institutional care are exposed to sexual abuse both by care workers and by other children. One third of children abused in children’s homes are likely to have been abused by another child (usually an older child). Indeed there is evidence that there are growing numbers of child and adolescent perpetrators of sexual abuse, pointing to the need for early detection and treatment.

It is widely acknowledged that the sexual abuse of children has very serious psychosocial consequences for children, major implications for family functioning and contributes to the extent and severity of social problems within society more widely.

Children who have experienced sexual abuse have increased likelihood of developing a range of emotional, psychological and behavioural problems that often extend into adulthood and may impact upon later interpersonal relationships and parenting. Children used in pornography suffer a life-sentence knowing that a record of their sexual abuse can be endlessly re-circulated on the Internet.

The following behaviours have been linked to sexual abuse:

• Post traumatic stress disorder
• Poor self- esteem
• Self-harming behaviours
• Self-blame
• Suicidal ideation
• Sleeping disorders
• Eating disorders
• Depression and anxiety
• ntense feelings of powerlessness, shame, humiliation & guilt
• Aggression
• Poor school performance
• Substance abuse
• Conduct disorders
• Sexually disturbed behaviour and early sexual activity

The research also points to an association between early experiences of sexual violence and a range of adverse physical and mental health and social outcomes in adulthood. The cross-sectional nature of available studies makes it difficult to establish definite causality between coercive sex and adverse health and social outcomes however there appears to be a clear link between the experience of sexual abuse and the following:

• Unwanted pregnancy
• Abortion
• Sexually transmitted diseases
• HIV/AIDS
• Adverse long term reproductive outcomes
• Mental Illness
• Drug and alcohol misuse
• Adult prostitution
• Continued vulnerability to sexual coercion

There are numerous theories on the causation of child sexual abuse (e.g. psychodynamic theory, learning theory, family dysfunction theory, sexual dysfunction theory, sociological theories, and biological theories), however it is now generally acknowledged that an integrative approach which examines the multiple and inter-related causes of abuse is the most helpful way of understanding the problem.

It is also generally agreed that prevention is the most constructive approach to dealing with child sexual abuse, and several approaches are described in the literature (for example, family therapy, parenting training, family support programmes, child education and community awareness) however because of different interpretations given to abuse and the silence and collusion that often surrounds it, it is virtually impossible to test the effectiveness of different approaches.

Some programmes result in higher disclosure rates, but whether this means that abuse is increased or is being reduced is difficult to determine. What we are able to confirm is that the extent and tolerance of abuse and violence in a society generally is correlated to high levels of child abuse (including child sexual abuse).

There is no doubt that Trinidad and Tobago is battling with extensive levels of violence (domestic violence, gender-based violence, community violence, school violence, child-on-child violence, gang-violence, inter-personal violence, institutional violence and violence arising out of poverty, desperation and destitution).

The sexual abuse of children is not simply a ‘domestic’ issue; it must be understood within the wider societal context in which it occurs and strategies to prevent and deal with the effects of abuse must target not only the victim, but also the perpetrator, the family and the wider society.

While professionals are able to recognize the signs, risk factors and effects of abuse, the services to treat with the problem are not widely available and the infrastructure for the assessment and prevention of risk is as yet under-developed in Trinidad and Tobago.

With regard to the sexual assault and murder Sean Luke we should be reminded that even in the midst of anecdotal evidence that child sexual abuse is increasing (or, at least that awareness and reporting of the problem is increasing) what happened to Sean was exceptional; an aberration even within a society plagued by violence and in this sense may never be properly understood.